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By Susan Sleeper-Smith
This interdisciplinary and foreign choice of essays illuminates the significance and results of Indigenous views for museums. The participants problem and complicate the normally shut colonialist connections among museums and realms and urge extra activist and energized roles for museums within the a long time ahead. The essays in part 1 contemplate ethnography’s impact on how Europeans signify colonized peoples. part 2 essays learn curatorial practices, emphasizing how exhibitions needs to serve assorted masters instead of completely the curator’s personal creativity and judgment, a dramatic departure from earlier museum tradition and perform. part three essays think of tribal museums that target contesting and critiquing colonial perspectives of yank and Canadian background whereas serving the numerous wishes of the indigenous communities. The associations tested in those pages variety generally from the nationwide Museum of the yank Indian in Washington DC; the Oneida kingdom Museum in Oneida, Wisconsin; tribal museums within the Klamath River area in California; the tribal museum in Zuni, New Mexico; the Museum of the yankee Indian in big apple urban; and the District Six Museum in Cape city, South Africa.
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Extra info for Contesting knowledge: museums and indigenous perspectives
Armed Indians who were captured in these actions would be considered prisoners of war and subject to a ten-year period of enslavement. Although the decree singled out the Botocudo, the governor was to understand that it pertained to the “reduction and civilization . . 17 The wholesale destruction of surviving native cultures in this forested refuge zone spread rapidly through eastern Minas Gerais, inland Espírito Santo, and southern Bahia. One European naturalist, who was traveling in the area in the immediate aftermath of the worst violence, described the results with unconcealed shock.
My intention in this chapter is not to revisit this debate but to explore a related issue: how authorities, both civil and scientific, both Brazilian and foreign, responded when they had no doubt that the Indians they sought to eliminate, pacify, or study ate other humans. The chapter explores the case of an obscure frontier official who thought cannibalism could be countered with fishhooks and glass beads, followed by the counterexample of his superiors who opted for war. Discussion then turns to a European ethnographer, probably more directly involved in the conflict than any other, who found the state’s response to cannibalism as appallElite Ethnography and Cultural Eradication 17 ing as the practice itself.
I suspect he meant the Kumanaxó, Kopoxó, Panhame, and possibly the Makoni. See Langfur, Forbidden Lands, 24. 8. Moura to War Minister, rapm: 31–34. 9. Moura to War Minister, rapm: 31–34. 10. José Pereira Freire de Moura, “Lista dos Homens q. te do Districto de S. Domingos,” reprinted in rapm 2, no. 1 (1897): 35–36; José Pereira Freire de Moura, “Instruçoens q. se Darão ao Chefe da Bandeira q. for Procurar a Lagôa-Dourada,” reprinted in rapm 2, no. 1 (1897): 35–36. 11. , Belo Horizonte, Brasil: Fundação João Pinheiro, 1994), 144–50, 156–57.